https://gizmodo.com/get-ready-for-a-puke-filled-winter-norovirus-is-back-with-a-vengeance-2000692066
Given all that, it’s always prudent to do what you can to reduce your risk of catching and spreadin... View Morehttps://gizmodo.com/get-ready-for-a-puke-filled-winter-norovirus-is-back-with-a-vengeance-2000692066
Given all that, it’s always prudent to do what you can to reduce your risk of catching and spreading the stomach flu to others.
You should always wash fruits and vegetables and cook your shellfish thoroughly, for instance. You should also clean your kitchen utensils, cutting boards, and surfaces, especially after preparing shellfish. And you should thoroughly wash your hands after handling uncooked food, since norovirus or other foodborne germs could be transmitted by your hands inadvertently touching your mouth later.
Get Ready for a Puke-Filled Winter: Norovirus Is Back With a Vengeance
CDC data indicates that norovirus is back on the warpath and getting plenty of Americans sick.
https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2025/nov/18/democrats-squirm-amid-mounting-evidence-partys-epstein-connections/#insticator-commenting
Emails show that, in addition to Mr. Jeffries, other prominen... View Morehttps://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2025/nov/18/democrats-squirm-amid-mounting-evidence-partys-epstein-connections/#insticator-commenting
Emails show that, in addition to Mr. Jeffries, other prominent Democrats remained in close contact with Epstein long after his 2008 conviction on soliciting prostitution from a minor. They include Obama administration economic adviser Lawrence H. Summers, Democratic donor Reid Hoffman and Ms. Plaskett.
Rather than addressing questions about their own involvement, Democrats criticized Republicans for exposing their party’s connection to Epstein.
The 2013 email sought to arrange a meeting between Mr. Jeffries and Epstein, who by then was not only a convicted sex offender but also was facing lawsuits from women who said he had victimized them beginning when they were minors.
Chet McAteer
·
Envy Is the Only Socialist Resource That’s Truly Renewable – And They’re Drilling for It 24/7
It is, in my mind, an odd construction, the modern push for equality of outcome—rather tha... View MoreChet McAteer
·
Envy Is the Only Socialist Resource That’s Truly Renewable – And They’re Drilling for It 24/7
It is, in my mind, an odd construction, the modern push for equality of outcome—rather than mere equality of opportunity—quietly installs envy as the central organizing emotion of society.
By promising that everyone must end up with roughly the same income, status, housing, and prestige regardless of talent, effort, risk-taking, or luck, the doctrine creates an endless, institutionalized comparison game.
People are no longer judged by their own progress or by any objective standard; they are judged only against the most visible successes of others.
When the promised sameness inevitably fails to appear—because human beings are not interchangeable widgets—the gap between expectation and reality is experienced not as a call to greater personal effort, but as a cosmic injustice. That feeling is envy, raw and scalding, now elevated from a private vice into a public virtue and a political right.
Socialism has no rational cure for this envy because its entire project depends on feeding it.
The moment you concede that no one may legitimately have more than anyone else unless that surplus is seized and redistributed, you guarantee that every yacht, every private jet, every beautiful house, and every lucrative career will be experienced by millions as a personal theft from themselves.
The Socialist does not solve envy; he weaponizes it.
He needs the doctor to resent the patient who can afford better care, the renter to resent the landlord who owns the building, the barista to resent the tech founder who buys the $7 latte without looking at the price. Without that burning sense of unfairness, the case for mass expropriation collapses. Envy is therefore not an unfortunate side effect of the system—it is the fuel.
Worse still, Socialism has no off switch. Even after the revolution, after the factories are nationalized and the billionaires exiled, the new hierarchy of party officials, bureaucrats, and connected insiders immediately appears.
The old envy simply transfers its target: now it rages against the commissar with the dacha, the apparatchik’s child at the better school, the general secretary’s mistress with the imported perfume.
Every Socialist society in history has reproduced inequality within months; the only difference is that the new inequalities are unearned by market performance and undefended by law, making them even more galling. The envy intensifies, the purges begin, and the cycle repeats.
Capitalism, for all its flaws, at least offers a partial antidote: the possibility that tomorrow you might be the one on top, or at least richer than you were yesterday. It channels ambition outward and upward. Socialism, by contrast, locks ambition in a cage of mutual resentment where the only relief is pulling others down.
That is why the Socialist never runs out of villains; the moment one class of “exploiters” is liquidated, a new one must be discovered to keep the envy alive and the revolution justified.
In the end, the Socialist project is doomed to drown in the very passion it cultivates. It mistakes a deadly sin for a theory of justice, then wonders why its societies disintegrate into suspicion, denunciation, and despair.
Envy cannot be satisfied by any redistribution scheme man has ever devised, because its essence is not wanting what others have—it is wanting others not to have it...
Until that emotional truth is faced, every new five-year plan, every new ministry of equity, every new “tax the rich” slogan will only pour gasoline on the fire it claims to extinguish.
-cmcateer
"This flu season is going to be unusually bad," Dr. Jacob Glanville, CEO of Centivax, a San Francisco biotechnology company, told Fox News Digital. "Britain is getting hit earlier and harder, with ca... View More"This flu season is going to be unusually bad," Dr. Jacob Glanville, CEO of Centivax, a San Francisco biotechnology company, told Fox News Digital. "Britain is getting hit earlier and harder, with cases triple compared to last year."
https://www.aol.com/articles/doctors-reveal-troubling-signs-early-194700661.html
Doctors reveal troubling signs in early flu trends, warn of ‘unusually bad’ season
Health experts warn this flu season could be unusually severe, with early spread and concerning H3N2 strain activity across the U.S. following Australia's worst flu season.
By Chet McAteer
KICKING THE CONSTITUTION TO THE CELLAR:
How Radical Republicans’ Own Words Expose Their War on Law, Liberty, and the South
The Radical Republican Party, born amid the fervor of abolit... View MoreBy Chet McAteer
KICKING THE CONSTITUTION TO THE CELLAR:
How Radical Republicans’ Own Words Expose Their War on Law, Liberty, and the South
The Radical Republican Party, born amid the fervor of abolitionism and sectional strife, cloaked its aggressive pursuit of centralized power in the guise of moral righteousness, yet its own leaders’ words reveal a profound contempt for the very Constitutional framework they swore to uphold.
This deception not only justified an Unconstitutional war of coercion against the South but also perpetuated a narrative that vilified Southern Secession while ignoring the legal and moral foundations of States’ Rights.
President James Buchanan, in his final message to Congress, asserted that the federal government possessed no authority to compel seceding States back into the Union, a view echoed even by Republican voices.
As the Lemars Sentinel, a Western Republican newspaper in 1879, candidly admitted, “No reasonable man will say that President Buchanan was wrong when he said that the North had no Constitutional right to coerce seceding States, but what of that? Up jumped Abraham Lincoln… and kicked the Constitution into the Capitol cellar.”
This brazen acknowledgment exposes the party’s willingness to trample legal norms for political gain, transforming a voluntary union of Sovereign States into an empire enforced by arms.
Morally and legally, the Southern States’ Secession rested on the bedrock principle that the Union was a Compact among equals, entered freely and exit-able under duress. The Constitution, silent on perpetual union, implied no prohibition against withdrawal, especially when Northern states repeatedly nullified federal laws like the Fugitive Slave Act, eroding the Compact's mutuality.
Southern leaders invoked the Declaration of Independence’s right to alter or abolish governments destructive to their ends, viewing Secession as a defensive act against encroaching federal overreach that threatened their economic and cultural autonomy.
Yet Radical Republicans, in their zeal, inverted this moral imperative, portraying the South as traitorous while their own rhetoric betrayed a disdain for Constitutional fidelity. Wendell Phillips, a prominent abolitionist and Republican ally, denounced the Constitution as a “covenant with death and an agreement with hell,” urging its destruction.
William Lloyd Garrison, founder of The Liberator, publicly burned a copy of the document, proclaiming it pro-slavery and unworthy of reverence. Even Henry Ward Beecher, from his pulpit, dismissed it as a mere “sheepskin” deserving no respect. These condemnations, uttered by the party’s intellectual vanguard, unwittingly affirm the South’s moral stance: if the Constitution was so flawed as to sanction evil, how could it morally bind States against their will? Such was the ultimate question, not only morally but legally speaking!
The deceptive practices extended into the Party’s internal machinations, where power-lust overshadowed principle, as evidenced by the domineering tactics of figures like Edwin Stanton over Lincoln himself.
Ward Hill Lamon, Lincoln’s close confidant and U.S. Marshal, recounted in his Recollections how Stanton “arbitrarily refused to obey or carry out President Lincoln’s orders,” treating the chief executive with “almost insulting domination.”
In one vivid episode on March 3, 1865, as peace loomed, Stanton erupted in rage at Lincoln’s inclination toward lenient terms for the South, berating him: “Mr. President, you are losing sight of the consideration… If you are not to be President of an obedient and loyal people, you ought not to take the oath of office.”
Lincoln, submissive, retracted his position and deferred to Stanton’s dispatch. Such bullying, documented by Lamon, reveals a party elite more interested in vengeance than reconciliation, using deception to mask their cruelty—Stanton, described by contemporaries like Don Piatt as “drunk with lust of power,” rioted in authority, crushing dissenters and favoring the ruthless.
This internal tyranny foreshadowed Reconstruction’s horrors, where Radical Republicans overrode Andrew Johnson’s merciful policies, nearly impeaching him for adhering to what they claimed Lincoln might have intended, all while professing unity.
Further exposing the Party’s deceit is the systematic suppression of truthful accounts that challenged their sanctified image of Lincoln and the war. William H. Herndon’s Life of Lincoln, penned by his longtime law partner, offered an honest portrait—depicting Lincoln as a “tricky man” with a “cadaverous and woe-struck” appearance, far from the deified savior Republicans promoted.
Yet, as Herndon’s relative later revealed, copies were hunted down and destroyed, plates broken, because “Mr. Herndon had told too many truths about Lincoln.” Lamon’s own Recollections faced similar fates, with Republicans fostering hagiographies that whitewashed flaws, ensuring the “real Lincoln disappeared from human knowledge,” as Piatt lamented.
This censorship perpetuated the myth of Republican moral superiority, concealing how leaders like Senator Wade stormed at Lincoln, calling him the “father of every military blunder,” or how Hale assailed him from the Senate floor. By their own admissions, these men viewed Lincoln as “weak as an old woman,” yet posthumously elevated him to justify their conquest.
Ultimately, the Radical Republicans’ words condemn their legacy of deception, from discarding the Constitution to dominating their own president and silencing dissent.
The South’s cause, rooted in legal sovereignty and moral self-determination, stands vindicated against such hypocrisy—a voluntary union perverted into subjugation, all under the false banner of liberty.
In Liberty and Eternal Vigilance,
C.M.McAteer
January 9, 2002
The Clinton–Epstein Hypocrisy Circus: A Guided Tour Through Selective Outrage
Let’s start with the documented stuff the media keeps trying to pretend is just “old news”:
Jeffrey Epstein—convicted sex ... View MoreThe Clinton–Epstein Hypocrisy Circus: A Guided Tour Through Selective Outrage
Let’s start with the documented stuff the media keeps trying to pretend is just “old news”:
Jeffrey Epstein—convicted sex offender, billionaire creep, and international parasite—visited Bill Clinton’s White House 17 times in the early to mid-1990s, according to visitor logs. Seventeen. That’s not a random drop-in. That’s “you’re on the regular guest list.”
On top of that, flight logs show Bill Clinton flew on Epstein’s jet—yes, that jet—26 times in the early 2000s. Not once for a quick hop, not twice for some charity event, but dozens of legs and trips. You don’t rack up 26 flights with a guy you barely know. That’s a relationship.
And this is the same Bill Clinton who turned the Oval Office into a dumpy soap opera set with Monica Lewinsky, a young intern with effectively zero power compared to the President of the United States. The power imbalance wasn’t subtle; it was the whole point. But when the scandal broke, what did the political machine do?
Bill lied.
Hillary stood by him.
And Monica got run over by the bus, backed over, then blamed for denting the bumper.
Hillary could’ve walked. She chose to stay—fine, that’s her choice. But instead of holding Bill publicly accountable, she treated Monica like the real offender. Democrats and media lapdogs gleefully shredded Lewinsky’s reputation to protect their guy. Suddenly, “believe women” turned into “destroy the one who got in the way.”
Victims? Power inequality? Abuse by powerful men? That sermon didn’t start until their enemies held the office.
Fast-forward to the Epstein disaster going nuclear.
For years, Epstein’s connections, deals, and filth were basically an open secret. The justice system cut him sweetheart deals. The political class—from both parties—treated him like just another wealthy “friend of the family.” A lot of the people now pretending to be horrified had no problem rubbing shoulders with him when the cameras weren’t looking.
Then, when it became politically convenient—especially with Trump in the picture—suddenly the same crowd that shrugged off Clinton’s messianic libido turns into moral Avengers:
“We demand justice!”
“We stand with the victims!”
“We must know who was involved!”
Where was this energy when Clinton’s name showed up in flight logs and visitor lists? Where was this righteous fury when Lewinsky was being humiliated on live TV while Bill was painted as some tragic, misunderstood genius?
This isn’t justice. It’s weaponized outrage.
Let’s be crystal clear:
Clinton’s documented ties to Epstein are real.
The power imbalance with Lewinsky was obvious and disgusting.
The same people who excused or minimized that are now posing as guardians of morality.
And any Republican now jumping into this sudden Epstein “morality movement” only when it can be used to club Trump, while ignoring the Clintons’ long, cozy history with Epstein, is either clueless or spineless. Probably both.
If we actually care about Epstein’s victims, then everything should be on the table: every flight log, every visitor list, every name—blue tie, red tie, billionaire, politician, celebrity, doesn’t matter. No double standard. No sacred cows. No “but he’s on our team.”
Until then, this is not justice.
It’s not compassion.
It’s partisan theater in a moral costume.
And yeah—people are getting sick of the show.
page=1&profile_user_id=23488&year=&month=
Load More
